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For Policy Direction, Haiti Listens to ‘the Public Clamor’

Times Staff Writer

After 29 years of dictatorship, Haitians seem to be quickly grasping the power of public opinion to provoke official action.

In the first few weeks after President-for-Life Jean-Claude Duvalier fled to France on Feb. 7, the five-man National Council that replaced him appeared directionless. So Haitians took to the streets to express their views, crudely and sometimes violently.

The conga marches, chanting and songs, the looting and lynching quickly had visible effects. By the end of last month, the ruling council announced an almost breathtaking series of plans and programs in response to what is called here “the public clamor.”

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‘Whole New Ball Game’

“The council didn’t seem to catch on quickly. This is a whole new ball game,” said a foreign observer here. “It has to listen.”

The key government moves have included a pledge to try to extradite the exiled Duvalier and to encourage prosecution of past human rights violators.

In an effort to dispel criticism that remnants of the Duvalier regime still hold sway, associates of the dictator were removed from two state-run banks.

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Staple Prices Slashed

In response to demands for quick elections, the government announced the first steps for creating a constituent assembly to write a new constitution.

In addition, prices of gasoline, sugar, flour and cooking oil were slashed as a show of interest in improving the lot of Haiti’s poor.

Like magic, the multiple announcements calmed the restless capital of Port-au-Prince. Some observers thought that some of the decisions, especially the call for Duvalier’s extradition, were meant mainly to quell public criticism and did not amount to serious policy.

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‘Let’s See if It Works’

“They announce things here but don’t follow up,” a foreign diplomat said. “Let’s see if it works this time.”

In any event, the announcements ended the appearance that the fledgling council was losing its grip--and perhaps falling apart. Until Feb. 27, the National Council, composed mainly of officials from the Duvalier government, seemed worried only about maintaining order and showed little interest in elaborating future economic and political plans.

The sole leader who appeared to understand the new public clamor was Gerard Gourgue, the justice minister and the member of the council who is considered an outright opponent of the old government. A gaunt and soft-spoken private school director and human rights activist, Gourgue is the council’s only genuinely popular figure.

Colonel’s Escape Decried

Gourgue occasionally appears alone on television and radio broadcasts to air his views.

When the government agreed to let Col. Albert Pierre, former Duvalier police chief and reputed torturer, fly to exile in Brazil, Gourgue denounced the escape on radio and TV broadcasts. He also failed to appear with the rest of the council at a flag-raising ceremony.

The strategy won him at least a symbolic victory. In the name of the government, he announced that Haiti would try to extradite Pierre from Brazil and pledged to prosecute complaints of official brutality from the past. He also ordered police to prevent Duvalier-era officials suspected of human rights abuses from leaving the country.

Public clamor quickly struck a winning streak in other areas, too.

Duvalier Influence Cut

Pressure to reduce the Duvalier influence on the current government and bring abusive officials to justice produced its first results. The loose campaign has been carried out under the battle cry dechouke, Creole for “uproot.”

Employees of two banks went on strike, demanding the removal of bank directors linked to Duvalier. The government named new boards at the banks.

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Mob action worked as well. Upon hearing that an old-time secret policeman planned to escape on an Air France flight from Haiti, a crowd suddenly formed at the airport and blocked his exit. The action prompted the government to arrest the man, along with another who was once the bodyguard of Francois Duvalier, founder of the family dictatorship.

Bigger Trophies

There is no indication that the quest to uproot is at an end. Still bigger trophies are being sought.

Student demonstrators shouting “It’s not over yet!” have fingered two officials for removal from government: National Council member Alix Cineas, a longtime Duvalier family friend, and Col. Avril Prosper, the chief of the presidential guard under Jean-Claude Duvalier and now an adviser to the council.

For the first time, looters tried to sack a store owned not by a prominent Duvalier official but by a businessman known to be friendly with the dictator. “The net might get wider, and that is worrisome,” said a foreign observer.

Tontons Macoutes Targeted

More darkly, vigilantes are still seeking out and lynching former members of Duvalier’s private militia, the Tontons Macoutes. Two weeks after the Duvalier regime collapsed, a mob in Port-au-Prince killed and roasted a Tonton Macoute, parading his carcass in a procession both macabre and festive.

Homes of former Tontons Macoutes became special targets of voracious looters who strip the houses of everything from rugs to window frames. Crowds that gathered to watch generally applauded and laughed with glee.

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Protesters who insisted that the government keep its promise to hold elections also won a round. Student strikes in several cities were called with the cry of “No president, no school.” The phrase “every four years” is widely spray-painted on walls and automobile windows, meaning that presidential elections should be held every four years.

19-Member Advisory Group

The National Council responded by saying it would name a 19-member consultative council that would, in turn, choose an assembly to write a new constitution.

The price cuts on staple goods came in response to no particular protest but reflected the economic nature of some of the street activity. In the days leading up to Duvalier’s ouster and for days afterward, looters sometimes ransacked food warehouses that they considered mere extensions of the government.

“It was a message that the government had done nothing to ease their economic lot but was only feeding them to keep the peace,” said Ellis Franklin, who heads the local unit of CARE, the worldwide relief agency.

Few Public Institutions

Few institutions exist in Haiti to tap and organize public opinion. Gourgue’s own justice ministry receives complaints of jail mistreatment, pleas for the location of prisoners who have disappeared and requests for prosecution of officials.

The government has established a telephone hot line to take suggestions, and the influential Roman Catholic radio station encourages political comments and reads them over the air.

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Newspapers, which have a limited circulation in Haiti, also have been printing criticisms of past officials. One newspaper printed pictures and commentary concerning the Pierre escape that was unflattering to the present government. Political parties have yet to take shape because the government has set no rules for them.

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